Sunday, November 27, 2011

SPOKANE, Wash. — F-Trooper died as he had lived, with a cigarette in one hand and a can of Schmidt's Ice beer in the other. They found him when the Montana Rail Link pulled into the repair shop. F-Trooper was sitting there in one of the boxcars as he so often had before — except this time he had five bullets in his head.

Police had little to go on: A blood-spattered cardboard 12-pack between Tracks 3 and 4. Bloody footprints in the boxcar. Some spent shell casings. A tattoo on F-Trooper that said "F.T.R.A."

It is a symbol that has become an unnerving part of the railroad landscape across the West, where the mysterious brotherhood known as the Freight Train Riders of America has gained a foothold in the world of switching yards, bridge underpasses and boxcars — the realm of the American hobo for more than a century.

Concentrated in the Northwest along the Burlington Northern Santa Fe's 1,500-mile High Line between Seattle and Minneapolis, the FTRA claims at least 1,000 itinerant train riders who police believe could be responsible for hundreds of deaths, assaults and thefts along American rail lines over the past two decades.

Police say F-Trooper, a rail-riding nickname for 30-year-old hobo Joseph Perrigo, died when a fellow FTRA member exacted revenge for an earlier confrontation. The list of potential witnesses for the upcoming trial reads like a Who's Who of the modern American rails: Moose. Hotshot. Desert Rat. Muskrat. Pennsylvania Pollack.

The fact that there's going to be a trial at all in the May 1996 slaying represents something of an exception in law enforcement's long-running battle with the gang, whose exploits usually produce witnesses who disappear on the next train, a crime scene that travels from Spokane to Klamath Falls, a victim found dead in the middle of the prairie next to a set of railroad tracks, leaving no known address and an age-old question: Did he jump or was he pushed?

"They're a criminal element that can do just about anything," said Spokane Police Detective Bob Grandinetti, who has compiled an exhaustive data base on the FTRA. "You get two or three of them together, they'll roll a guy over and push him off the train. You're moving at 50 or 60 miles an hour, what do you think your chances are? We're finding bodies like that all over the country."

Law enforcement officials say the group, launched by a cadre of Vietnam War veterans in a Montana bar in the 1980s, is composed primarily of white men, many with racist sympathies symbolized in the swastikas and lightning bolts that often accompany FTRA graffiti. The group, authorities say, has terrorized other train tramps, set up rail lines out of Texas as drug-running corridors and run a massive food stamp scam by filing thousands of fraudulent welfare applications at cities along virtually every train stop in the nation.

"There are 70 to 90 deaths a year (along the rail lines) all over the country," Grandinetti says. "Sure, some are natural causes. Some are accidents. But some aren't. And the problem is, the suspects and all the witnesses disappear."

"Everybody in the country's in the same spot," said Saginaw, Texas, police detective James Neale. He has unsuccessfully pursued a suspected FTRA member who he believes tortured and murdered a transient at knifepoint, stuffing the body on a train.

"These people, they fall through the cracks. They don't live in houses like we do, they don't have cars. ... Our system is not designed for these kinds of people, so they can just ride the rails, they can commit murder and mayhem almost at will."

The fact that a growing number of college students and young professionals are riding the rails for sport has heightened concern about potential conflict with a network of loners — some FTRA, some simply train tramps — who count their possessions as an extra shirt, a sleeping roll and a dog. What, police ask, will happen as weekend "hoppers" pick their way through lonely switching yards into an underground network of the deliberately dispossessed?

"I can see where more Joe Blow Citizen people are going to get injured and hurt," said Salem, Ore., police detective Mike Quakenbush. "Because this riding the trains thing is increasing in popularity, and it's pissing these guys off. They don't like you, they don't like you riding their trains, and if you're not willing to make that whole transition over, then get the hell out."

Their calling cards can be found at almost any railway bridge or overpass in the West, the trademark scrawl of "F.T.R.A.," often accompanied by swastikas or lightning bolts and other common slogans: "STP" for "start the party," "FTW" for "---- the world."

Grandinetti, who started documenting the emergence of the FTRA in the 1980s, said it began with the railroads reporting bodies along the High Line between Spokane and Sandpoint, Idaho, and as far west as Cheney, Wash.

The bodies had their shirts and jackets pulled up around their heads, and their pants pulled down, he recalls. "The first one or two, the railroad was saying, well, he fell off a train and cut his leg and he bled to death," Grandinetti said. "I could buy off on one or two of them. But after the sixth, I said, my God, wait a minute."

About the same time, he said, a freight train derailed west of Spokane after the air line to the rear cars' brakes was cut off. The suspect, who was killed in the crash, was wearing a black bandanna around his neck fastened with a silver ring.

Later, the bandanna would become the trademark of the FTRA — a black one for the original High Line riders, red for the southern corridor, blue for the central United States.

Suddenly, bandannas began figuring in a series of stabbings and beatings.

Railroad officials tend to play down the impact of the FTRA, saying it has not had a major role in official incident reports along rail lines.

"We are aware that this organization exists. We have had minimal encounters with anybody who claims to be a part of this group. We've probably heard more about them than we've actually heard from them," said Jim Sabourin, spokesman for Burlington Northern Santa Fe.

"Some of these people (arrested as transients) sometimes identify themselves as members of this organization, but they don't do anything different than anybody else that takes chances and gets on trains," said Edward Trandahl of Union Pacific.

In a camp near the old rendering plant in Spokane, a thin, weathered man wearing a black bandanna shrugs. "It's just a bunch of guys who ride trains," says the man, who identifies himself as "Sideline."

"It started out as a family thing. It was a brotherhood. They call us racist, but I get on white people same as I do anyone else." The bandanna, he says, is a symbol. "It just means I earned my place. I proved myself. I wasn't a user. I wasn't a taker. I gave. I was a brother.

"Me," he said, "I just don't like people. I prefer to be off by myself. It's hard for me to deal with a job, because I don't take orders well. I don't got a job, but I got what I need. I got a tent, a sleeping bag, a dog. I'm good to go. What do I need with a house, a mortgage, 12 kids running around? I'm not bothering anybody. My camp's clean."



Washington

A summary of Runaway Laws in the state of Washington

Under the 1974 federal law, juveniles who are not criminals but have run away or are skipping school can be held for no more than 24 hours. The law also requires that the youths be held in a separate facility out of "sight and sound" of adult prisoners. Although this law is held as a standard in most states there has been a sloping towards a harder stance as shown by the semi-recent 1995 innovation of the “Becca Bill” sponsored by State Representative Mike Carrell and drafted by enraged father Dennis Hedman...

"Becca Hedman’s tragic story provided the political impetus to pass sweeping legislation that gives the juvenile court the power to jail children who have not been convicted of a crime. Becca was subject to abuse at the hands of her biological parents and her adoptive brother. She suffered from addiction and even lived on the streets after running away from home. When Becca was only 13 a man who had paid her for sex murdered her. The state legislature responded to this tragedy by enacting the "Becca Bill" in July 1995.

The intent of the bill was to "empower parents" by giving them power to deal with their runaway, disobedient children or truant children by having them locked up in juvenile detention. The bill provides juvenile court judges and commissioners with the power to jail "At-Risk Youth," "Children in Need of Services," and truant children for "civil contempt" if they violate a court order.

An examination of the bill and its implementation show that the cure provided by the "Becca Bill" may not adequately address the problems that these children face. Indeed, in some instances the solution created by the "Becca Bill" may exacerbate these problems.
--As stated by Catherine Chaney & Anne Kysar

Besides making the reporting of runaways a legal requirement, the Becca Law also called for a set up of statewide secure crisis residential centers (CRC’s) to hold runaways for up to five days. In a dramatic turnaround, the law also scrapped provisions in juvenile law that required the consent of teenagers before they were put into mental health, drug, or alcohol therapy. Under the new law, parents do not require consent before committing their children.

The following are excerpts from an Article entitled "Is the Cure worse than the Disease". Many of my own ideas are mashed in some places so I would just like to acknowledge that the following is not a completely original piece. If I had more time I would like to have written a reflective article on this Bill but seeing as I don't this paper will have to suffice. Needless to say, I agree strongly with many / all the points made in the following, and I have also written a final summary at the end on how this relates to us as hitchhikers and the concerns we should have when traveling in the company of minors (Under the age of 18 through the state of Washington.)

The Petition

The statute allows a parent to petition juvenile court to have his or her child declared an "At-Risk Youth" (ARY) or a "Child in Need of Services" (CHINS). Another part of the Becca Bill authorizes a school district to petition juvenile court to have a student declared a truant. Because these proceedings are ostensibly civil, children are not afforded the due process protections that apply in criminal proceedings.

A court must grant an "At-Risk Youth" petition if the allegations in the petition are established by a preponderance of the evidence. The legislature defined an "at-risk youth" as a runaway, a child who is beyond parental control, or a child who has a substance abuse problem. In practice, courts rarely deny ARY petitions (or CHINS or truancy petitions, for that matter). For example, if a child is engaging in behaviors such as staying out after curfew or spending time with friends the parent disapproves of or consuming alcohol without parental permission, a court may grant an ARY petition on the basis that the child is "beyond parental control."
Before an ARY petition is granted, the law requires that parents attempt some alternative to court intervention or show "good cause why such alternatives have not been attempted." In practice, courts construe this requirement loosely: a counseling appointment will generally satisfy the requirement.

The legislature defined a "child in need of services" as a child who is beyond parental control or a runaway and is in need of services. When a CHINS petition is granted, the child may be placed outside of the home by the Department of Social and Family Services.
While a child or a parent can file this petition, the court may not grant a child’s request to be placed out of the home unless the child proves by "clear, cogent, and convincing evidence" that placement outside the home is in the best interests of the family and the child, that the child has tried to resolve the problem, and that the parents are unavailable or the parent’s actions cause an imminent threat to the child. Again, in practice, a parent’s petition to have his or her child declared a CHINS is rarely denied while a child's petition is more likely to be denied.

A "truant child" is defined as a child who has had unexcused absences in a school year. Additionally, the statute requires that the school take steps to reduce or eliminate the child’s absences from school. The school district or the parent may bring a truancy petition. A child appears at a truancy fact-finding hearing without the benefit of counsel under the statute. As a result, the school district is rarely tested on its statutory obligation of taking steps to reduce or eliminate a child’s absences from school. In most cases, the school district reports that it cannot carry out this task because the student does not attend school regularly, or the school submits that they have carried out this statutory requirement by scheduling a conference with the child and his or her parent.

In one case, a juvenile court commissioner found a 12-year-old girl truant even though the girl and her family are homeless and live in the family car. The child had difficulty sleeping and had trouble getting up for school in the morning. The court found that the school had met its statutory burden to take steps to reduce or eliminate this child’s absences by scheduling a meeting with her at school registration.

The Court's Disposition Order

Once a court grants an "At-Risk Youth" or CHINS petition, the court assumes broad authority in writing "conditions of supervision" for the child. The statute authorizes a court to order a child to attend school, counseling, and substance abuse treatment or "any other condition the court deems an appropriate condition of supervision." In practice, the "conditions of supervision" are long lists of rules for the child to follow.

The orders "often end up being extensive lists of what the parents want from the child…. The focus is more on ordering the child to follow the rules than on providing services to remedy the problem." The court typically orders that a child do the following:

    attend school regularly with no unexcused absences, tardies or behavior problems;
    obtain a drug and alcohol evaluation and follow treatment recommendations;
    obtain a mental health evaluation;
    submit to random urinalysis;
    neither use nor possess non-prescribed drugs or alcohol;
    obey a curfew;
    enroll in and attend individual and family counseling;
    reside with parents or in another court-approved placement;
    have no contact with people the parent disapproves of;
    refrain from physical or verbal abuse;
    and refrain from the use of profanity.

In some instances the court literally micromanages the child’s day. In one case, the commissioner ordered a child to be in his room and in bed by 9 p.m. or risk incarceration.

The statute provides that the court "may order the parent to participate in counseling services or any other services for the child requiring parental participation." Parents are rarely ordered to do more than attend family counseling (and sometimes the court does not require this), enroll the child in school, and refrain from physically or verbally abusing the child.

Perhaps because the statute requires the parents to pay for services, the court is usually reluctant to order the parent to attend parenting classes. Thus a commissioner refused to order a father to attend anger management classes even though he admitted to getting so angry at his child that he knew he frightened the child and he had indicated his willingness to attend the classes.

In truancy proceedings, the court may order a child to attend school or drug and alcohol treatment. While the statute provides that the court may punish a child or parent who fails to comply with the court order (evidence of which the school district must present), the statute does not give the court authority to order the school to provide services to the child.

Instead, the statute authorizes the court to order the child to attend the same or a different school, or alternative school program. Thus, if a school has suspended a child, the court can order the child to attend school but cannot order the school to reinstate the child.

Some ARY, CHINS and truant children receive no services even when they are court-ordered to participate in them, as the statute does not entitle children or parents to any services. While the court may order psychological assessments, drug and alcohol treatment or other services, the court cannot provide these services to a child. Thus, the child is dependent on the parent to pay for and arrange services.

If a parent is indigent or unable to access services, the child may not receive the help he or she needs. If resources are available, the state may provide a family with up to 15 free hours of Family Reconciliation Services counseling. This is a very valuable resource according to many families, and is sometimes effective in helping families work through problems.

Contempt Provisions

If a child violates a court order, the court can jail the child for contempt. In truancies, as well as ARYs and CHINS, the court may jail the child for up to seven days for failing to follow the court order. Neither RCW 13.32A.250(1) nor RCW 28A.225.090(2) provides for the standard of proof, but both simply use the language "failure to comply with court order." The statute does not explicitly provide that the school should bring the contempt motion, but the practice is that the school does so. In ARY and CHINS cases, the statute provides that "a parent, a child" (among other parties) may bring a motion for contempt for failure to comply with the terms of the court order.

Although the language of the statute clearly limits the incarceration of a child to seven days, it is the practice of some juvenile court commissioners to jail children "indefinitely" until the child "convinces the court" that he or she will comply with the court order. Because the "conditions of supervision" are broad and often include extensive rules for a child to follow, a child may be jailed frequently and for minor infractions. For example, children have been jailed for swearing at their parents or being late for curfew.

Although the statute authorizes the court to hold a parent in contempt for failure to follow the court order, parents are rarely held in contempt. Children often are reluctant to ask that their parent be held in contempt or even to provide negative information to the court about their parents.

The ARY and CHINS proceedings have been established to "empower parents." As a result, the process disempowers children, sometimes even providing a means for their further victimization. A child who knows that his or her parent may jail him or her for violation of a rule is especially reluctant to disclose information of abuse because the child fears retribution from the parent. For example, a child who was jailed for running away from home in an ARY matter confided in her attorney that her parent was physically abusive — beating both her and her mother.

This child refused, however, to allow her attorney to provide the court with this information or to file a contempt motion because she was distrustful of a court that had previously jailed her for running away from home.

In a truancy case, only after a child was jailed for failing to comply with the order to attend school did she reveal to her attorney that the mother’s boyfriend battered her mother. The boyfriend, who apparently had beaten the mother so severely that her eyes were swollen shut for a week, had attended the school truancy conference at which school personnel wondered why the child was reportedly staying out so late at night that she could not wake up in time to take the hour-long bus ride across town to get to school. This child naturally enough felt unable to tell anyone at the conference that she was not comfortable staying home because of her mother’s live-in abusive boyfriend.

Although the statute states that children and parents should be treated equally for the purposes of contempt, parents are rarely held in contempt. In the rare instance that a parent is held in contempt, the parent is asked to pay a small fine. In the authors’ experience, the court has never jailed the parent for contempt in one of these cases.

Problems Children Face

Although some children who are subject to ARY, CHINS and truancy orders may simply be engaging in expected and obnoxious teenage behaviors because they are struggling to find their identity as individuals, other children in this group are in need of help because of inadequate parenting and unhealthy family dynamics. Many of the children who are in dire need of help have been sexually and/or physically abused.

Indeed, "young people who are in the juvenile justice system, in runaway or homeless shelters, or in foster care all report having experienced extremely high rates of sexual or physical abuse during their childhood years." Children who run away from home are often trying to escape this abuse.

A survey reported in 1994 by Seattle’s Coalition for Kids and Families (now Youthcare) showed that 35 percent of runaways in King County reported that they ran from physical abuse and would return home if the abuse stopped. Twenty-six percent of the children in the survey reported that their parents had kicked them out. Twenty-five percent reported sexual abuse either by a parent or by someone else. According to Dr. Robert Dysher, former director of Adolescent Medicine at the University of Washington, "I’ve been working with street kids for 30 years, and I have seen very, very few of these kids who come from really good homes with care and affection run away… these are homes and kids who’ve grown up in situations which most of us would feel were absolutely intolerable."

In addition to abuse, inadequate parenting is the cause of many problems that affect these youth. The ARY or CHINS cases in which parents allege that their children are "[beyond parental control] often reflect unreasonable rules and demands made by parents who themselves need counseling more than the youngsters…and even more reflect inadequate skills in parenting." Indeed, studies indicate that youth who are engaged in risky behaviors such as skipping school, substance abuse, or other acting-out behaviors often have parents who lack nurturance, attention, supervision, understanding and caring.

In one case, a young girl who is the subject of an ARY petition returned to her mother’s home one year ago after spending most of her life in foster care. This child’s mother is a recovering alcoholic who abused and neglected the child for most of her life. The child suffers from the effects of fetal alcohol syndrome as a result of her mother’s drinking. The mother continues to abuse the child by calling her names, hitting her and kicking her. The child now is faced with incarceration for running away from home.

The problems of parental abuse and inadequate parenting also affect truant children in some instances. Additionally, many of these children do not attend school because school is not meeting their needs. "Few youths are habitually truant just for the fun of it…they are truant because they can no longer endure the frustration, the criticism, the humiliation of sitting day after day in classes where they can’t possibly succeed, can’t understand what is being discussed and probably can’t even read the assignment."

Incarceration Increases Children’s Problems

The problems of ARY, CHINS and truant children are often exacerbated by incarceration. "The child who repeatedly runs away from an unhappy home situation, though having committed no offense, is all too easily sent to jail by a frustrated judge who has no other resources at hand…the very policies meant for the protection of these children sometimes hurt these children."

First, ARY, CHINS and truant children are jailed alongside children who have committed offenses (the equivalent of crimes in the adult world) or who are awaiting trial for alleged offenses. Most runaways and truant children do not commit crimes. While some parents and school officials think that the experience of jailing their children with criminal children will "scare them straight," incarceration often exacerbates the problems children face rather than alleviates them. ARY, CHINS and truant children who are incarcerated form relationships with offender youth and sometimes learn patterns of criminal behavior while in jail. For example, one 13-year-old girl who was jailed for running away from home met her boyfriend in detention, a 16-year-old boy who was awaiting trial for a felony charge.

Second, while incarcerated, ARY, CHINS and truant children may not have access to education. When ARY, CHINS and truant children in King County are jailed, they first go into an intake unit and are not sent to classes. Children frequently miss one or two days of school when they are incarcerated. Even if these children eventually leave the intake unit and receive access to education during their incarceration, their special-education needs are usually not met. Generally, detention staff does not receive a child’s special-education records before they are released.

Third, incarceration is often stigmatizing and negatively affects a child’s view of him- or herself. "Being treated like a prisoner reinforces a child’s negative self-image. Even after release, a juvenile may be labeled as a criminal in his [or her] community as a result of his or her jailing, a stigma which can continue for a long period." For a child who has already suffered from abuse, this stigmatization can be especially debilitating.

Concerns for Hitchhikers

With the Becca Bill’s demands for all people coming into contact with runaways to report them immediately, a new under the table policy was born. This policy deemed "don't ask, don't tell" was constructed as a backdoor way for youth service workers as well as street workers to continue to work with vagrant adolescents without having to report them. Basically, you don’t ask if they ran away and they don’t tell you that they ran away. This "loophole" has yet to be contested in court and is thus quite reliable.

If you wind up hitching around Washington with a runaway in tow and you get mixed up with the police, your simple plea of ignorance should get you through, just be polite and courteous and say the following: "Yah know I just wanted to help the kid out, I had no idea he / she ran away from home, I didn’t ask and he / she didn’t tell me."
Unfortunately its not going to be a nice road for your young companion. They will probably be detained immediately if their family or the state has reported them as "runaway" and they will be sent to the nearest CRC with a big Becca welcome wagon waiting for them at the entrance. The system is not a pretty one, and it could take years before they finally work there way through the maze.

Unfortunately this is the sad reality hundreds of Washington's young and troubled have to deal with everyday. Whatever happened to American Civil Rights? Oh, I forgot, those don't matter unless your over 18 and part of the groove that is conformed obedience.

SPOKANE, Wash. — F-Trooper died as he had lived, with a cigarette in one hand and a can of Schmidt's Ice beer in the other. They found him when the Montana Rail Link pulled into the repair shop. F-Trooper was sitting there in one of the boxcars as he so often had before — except this time he had five bullets in his head.

Police had little to go on: A blood-spattered cardboard 12-pack between Tracks 3 and 4. Bloody footprints in the boxcar. Some spent shell casings. A tattoo on F-Trooper that said "F.T.R.A."

It is a symbol that has become an unnerving part of the railroad landscape across the West, where the mysterious brotherhood known as the Freight Train Riders of America has gained a foothold in the world of switching yards, bridge underpasses and boxcars — the realm of the American hobo for more than a century.

Concentrated in the Northwest along the Burlington Northern Santa Fe's 1,500-mile High Line between Seattle and Minneapolis, the FTRA claims at least 1,000 itinerant train riders who police believe could be responsible for hundreds of deaths, assaults and thefts along American rail lines over the past two decades.

Police say F-Trooper, a rail-riding nickname for 30-year-old hobo Joseph Perrigo, died when a fellow FTRA member exacted revenge for an earlier confrontation. The list of potential witnesses for the upcoming trial reads like a Who's Who of the modern American rails: Moose. Hotshot. Desert Rat. Muskrat. Pennsylvania Pollack.

The fact that there's going to be a trial at all in the May 1996 slaying represents something of an exception in law enforcement's long-running battle with the gang, whose exploits usually produce witnesses who disappear on the next train, a crime scene that travels from Spokane to Klamath Falls, a victim found dead in the middle of the prairie next to a set of railroad tracks, leaving no known address and an age-old question: Did he jump or was he pushed?

"They're a criminal element that can do just about anything," said Spokane Police Detective Bob Grandinetti, who has compiled an exhaustive data base on the FTRA. "You get two or three of them together, they'll roll a guy over and push him off the train. You're moving at 50 or 60 miles an hour, what do you think your chances are? We're finding bodies like that all over the country."

Law enforcement officials say the group, launched by a cadre of Vietnam War veterans in a Montana bar in the 1980s, is composed primarily of white men, many with racist sympathies symbolized in the swastikas and lightning bolts that often accompany FTRA graffiti. The group, authorities say, has terrorized other train tramps, set up rail lines out of Texas as drug-running corridors and run a massive food stamp scam by filing thousands of fraudulent welfare applications at cities along virtually every train stop in the nation.

"There are 70 to 90 deaths a year (along the rail lines) all over the country," Grandinetti says. "Sure, some are natural causes. Some are accidents. But some aren't. And the problem is, the suspects and all the witnesses disappear."

"Everybody in the country's in the same spot," said Saginaw, Texas, police detective James Neale. He has unsuccessfully pursued a suspected FTRA member who he believes tortured and murdered a transient at knifepoint, stuffing the body on a train.

"These people, they fall through the cracks. They don't live in houses like we do, they don't have cars. ... Our system is not designed for these kinds of people, so they can just ride the rails, they can commit murder and mayhem almost at will."

The fact that a growing number of college students and young professionals are riding the rails for sport has heightened concern about potential conflict with a network of loners — some FTRA, some simply train tramps — who count their possessions as an extra shirt, a sleeping roll and a dog. What, police ask, will happen as weekend "hoppers" pick their way through lonely switching yards into an underground network of the deliberately dispossessed?

"I can see where more Joe Blow Citizen people are going to get injured and hurt," said Salem, Ore., police detective Mike Quakenbush. "Because this riding the trains thing is increasing in popularity, and it's pissing these guys off. They don't like you, they don't like you riding their trains, and if you're not willing to make that whole transition over, then get the hell out."

Their calling cards can be found at almost any railway bridge or overpass in the West, the trademark scrawl of "F.T.R.A.," often accompanied by swastikas or lightning bolts and other common slogans: "STP" for "start the party," "FTW" for "---- the world."

Grandinetti, who started documenting the emergence of the FTRA in the 1980s, said it began with the railroads reporting bodies along the High Line between Spokane and Sandpoint, Idaho, and as far west as Cheney, Wash.

The bodies had their shirts and jackets pulled up around their heads, and their pants pulled down, he recalls. "The first one or two, the railroad was saying, well, he fell off a train and cut his leg and he bled to death," Grandinetti said. "I could buy off on one or two of them. But after the sixth, I said, my God, wait a minute."

About the same time, he said, a freight train derailed west of Spokane after the air line to the rear cars' brakes was cut off. The suspect, who was killed in the crash, was wearing a black bandanna around his neck fastened with a silver ring.

Later, the bandanna would become the trademark of the FTRA — a black one for the original High Line riders, red for the southern corridor, blue for the central United States.

Suddenly, bandannas began figuring in a series of stabbings and beatings.

Railroad officials tend to play down the impact of the FTRA, saying it has not had a major role in official incident reports along rail lines.

"We are aware that this organization exists. We have had minimal encounters with anybody who claims to be a part of this group. We've probably heard more about them than we've actually heard from them," said Jim Sabourin, spokesman for Burlington Northern Santa Fe.

"Some of these people (arrested as transients) sometimes identify themselves as members of this organization, but they don't do anything different than anybody else that takes chances and gets on trains," said Edward Trandahl of Union Pacific.

In a camp near the old rendering plant in Spokane, a thin, weathered man wearing a black bandanna shrugs. "It's just a bunch of guys who ride trains," says the man, who identifies himself as "Sideline."

"It started out as a family thing. It was a brotherhood. They call us racist, but I get on white people same as I do anyone else." The bandanna, he says, is a symbol. "It just means I earned my place. I proved myself. I wasn't a user. I wasn't a taker. I gave. I was a brother.

"Me," he said, "I just don't like people. I prefer to be off by myself. It's hard for me to deal with a job, because I don't take orders well. I don't got a job, but I got what I need. I got a tent, a sleeping bag, a dog. I'm good to go. What do I need with a house, a mortgage, 12 kids running around? I'm not bothering anybody. My camp's clean."


Saturday, September 17, 2011

County still fighting rancher who helps homeless

County still fighting rancher who helps homeless

Friday, September 16, 2011

(09-16) 08:16 PDT San Luis Obispo, Calif. (AP) --

A California rancher who takes in the homeless could lose control of his 72-acre Sunny Acres property because authorities say he's violating health and safety laws.

But 68-year-old Dan De Vaul, who operates a nonprofit sober living program on the ranch, insists he has met terms of a San Luis Obispo County court order requiring him to move tenants out of illegal buildings and supply safe drinking water.

The San Luis Obispo County Tribune ( http://bit.ly/qBF1ya) says a judge on Thursday scheduled an Oct. 20 hearing. The county is expected to argue for a court-appointed receiver.

De Vaul says he is working to get permits for a new 14-room housing unit and he fears receivership could lead to a lien and eventual sale of the ranch.

___

Information from: The Tribune, www.sanluisobispo.com

Emperor Norton,

Emperor Norton, zaniest S.F. street character

Carl Nolte, Chronicle Staff Writer

Thursday, September 17, 2009
Emperor Norton proclaimed himself thus 150 years ago today. Emperor Norton reigned in San Francisco 21 years.

(09-16) 19:43 PDT -- Today marks the 150th anniversary of the accession of Norton I, emperor of the United States and protector of Mexico, unquestioned monarch of all the zany characters who have inhabited the streets of San Francisco.

On Sept. 17, 1859, the San Francisco Bulletin published a notice on an inside page announcing that Joshua Norton, formerly a prominent San Francisco businessman, had proclaimed himself Norton I, "Emperor of these United States." He had acted, he said, "at the peremptory request of a large majority of the citizens."

The newspaper notice was the work of an unhinged mind, printed in a moment of caprice by Bulletin Editor George Fitch, but it marked the beginning of the 21-year reign of San Francisco's most beloved character.

Norton followed his first notice with a second proclamation, abolishing Congress because there was too much fraud and corruption. Later, he abolished political parties for the same reason, ordered a bridge to be built from San Francisco to Oakland and carried on a correspondence with other crowned heads.

He reigned over San Francisco as a benign despot, honored everywhere he went.

"Newspapers accepted him as part of the fun of living in San Francisco," wrote John Bruce in "Gaudy Century," a book about San Francisco journalism.
Wined and dined

The emperor dined in any restaurant he chose and was never presented with a bill; the best seats in the theater were reserved for him; he occasionally reviewed the corps of cadets at the University of California; he visited the state Legislature in Sacramento. A general at the Presidio of San Francisco presented him with a uniform and when it wore out, the city supervisors bought him another.

The emperor levied taxes (usually 50 cents) and issued currency and "governmental bonds," all printed by the city's finest printers. Once, he was arrested and nearly packed off to the state insane asylum in Stockton, but he was released with a formal apology and all San Francisco police officers were advised to salute whenever they encountered his majesty.

He had two mutt dogs, Bummer and Lazarus, who followed him about. When Bummer died in 1865, Mark Twain wrote the dog's obituary.

"In what other city," Robert Louis Stevenson wrote, "would a harmless madman who supposed himself emperor ... been so fostered and encouraged?"

The emperor's palace was a rooming house at 624 Commercial St., where he paid 50 cents a night for a modest room. He was duly listed in the city directory and in the U.S. census, where his occupation was listed as "emperor."

Norton was not the only street character in San Francisco in the 19th century. There was George Washington II, who wore a Revolutionary War costume; Oofty Goofty, a strange little man who made his living by allowing gents to hit him with a pool cue for 50 cents; the Money King, a celebrated miser; and a mysterious street character who called himself the Great Unknown.
Fortune won and lost

But Norton was the king, the emperor of them all. His story was known to all San Franciscans. He was born in England, came to California in the Gold Rush in 1849 from South Africa, and arrived in San Francisco, where he made a fortune in real estate and business deals and lost it all in an ill-advised attempt to corner the market in imported rice.

Joshua Abraham Norton disappeared for a few years after that to reappear as Norton I.

The emperor dropped dead at the age of 61 one rainy January night in 1880 in front of Old St. Mary's Church on California Street. His funeral cortege was 2 miles long. He was buried at the old Masonic Cemetery and reburied in 1934 at Woodlawn Cemetery in Colma.

Every January, on the Saturday nearest the anniversary of his death, members of E Clampus Vitus, a society that combines a love of drinking with a love of history, makes a pilgrimage to the emperor's grave.

Norton's legacy lives on: There is an Emperor Norton Inn on Post Street and the Emperor Norton Restaurant and Pizza parlor, which features "Bummer's favorite pizza" as its signature dish.

One of the few artifacts of the emperor to survive his reign is his cane, now the property of the California Historical Society. It will be displayed as part of a larger exhibition starting Sept. 25.
Emperor Norton on exhibit

Emperor Norton will be featured in an exhibit by the California Historical Society beginning Sept. 25. The exhibit is called "Think California" and will include seven themes, one of which will spotlight people who migrated to California during the Gold Rush, including Norton, and later.

Where: California Historical Society, 678 Mission St., San Francisco

When: Starts Sept. 25

Admission: $3 adults; $1 seniors, children younger than 6 and students with student identification; free to members.

Hours: Noon to 4:30 p.m. Wednesdays-Saturdays

E-mail Carl Nolte at cnolte@sfchronicle.com.

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This article appeared on page A - 1 of the San Francisco Chronicle
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The Emporer Norton Part 2

The Madness of Joshua Norton
Part Two
by Joel GAzis-SAx
Copyright 1997 by Joel GAzis-SAx

Emperor of the United States

The Emperor is naked and, for the moment, minus a skull cap and a brain. Dr. William A. Douglass examines the blood-clotted organ and concludes that the cause of death is "sanguineous apoplexy". He reads the measurement off his medical scale -- fifty one ounces -- a bit on the heavy side -- and then carefully removes the organ for replacement in the gaping cranial cavity. His magic saw heals the cuts through the skin and the bone. The disappearing seam sucks up all the blood. He stands back, savoring the moment that is to come: here at last he has on his table the derelict he has been waiting for, Joshua Norton, the man beloved by the City as the democratic nation's absolute monarch. Dr. Douglass plans to keep this brain.

Nineteenth century physicians pulled brains for study whenever they could, straining to explain madness or genius. Earlier in the century, phrenologists studied skulls, giving each bump a meaning. Sometimes they stole an especially coveted specimen.(1) Doctors could only rarely get their hands on a brain and then only if it belonged to a bummer or someone who died under suspect conditions. They weighed, calculated the volume, and evaluated the shape of each prized acquisition. Sloppy thinkers equated brain size and intelligence. Honest souls looked for obvious cracks across the wrinkles or wild growths sprouting from the grey matter. These explained speech impediments, tics, uncontrolled rages, and other behaviors collectively called "madness".

Dr. Douglass, an honest man, would search in vain for clues about why Joshua Norton thought he was an benevolent despot.

In the absence of pathological evidence (this being before the days of electron microscopes, biochemistry, and personality psychology), some would conclude that Norton's madness had been an act. One day, these reasoned, the man decided to pull a little prank and thanks to the gullibility of the populace, got away with it for many years. Norton, they said, found a way to support himself in luxury. USENET Discordians made him a saint for this. Others scorned him as a parasite.

The Emperor Norton died a poor man's death. He'd collapsed at the corner of California and Dupont (now Grant Avenue), dropping his favorite bamboo umbrella into the gutter. He expired on the spot. The date was January 8, 1880. The Saint Mary's clock, just across the street, said eight fifteen. Beneath the dial was the legend "Observe the time and fly away from evil." And so Joshua Norton fled the world.

When the coroners stripped his body of the wrinkled uniform and emptied the pockets, they discovered some telegrams, a coin purse, a two and half dollar gold piece, three dollars in silver, an 1828 French Franc, and a handful of the Imperial bonds he used to sell to tourists at a fictitious 7% interest. The telegrams purported to be from Czar Alexander II, who congratulated him on his forthcoming marriage to Queen Victoria, and from the President of France, who told him that such a union would be disastrous to world peace.

The reporters who sacked his room found several frayed uniforms and hats hanging from tenpenny nails. Lithographs of other royalty, including Queen Victoria, the Empress Eugenie, and Queen Emma of the Sandwich Isles (Hawaii) watched the rape of the Emperor's privacy. The reporters observed his sabre with its silk sash and tassels swinging pendulously from another nail. His Majesty's collection of walking sticks, twisted or carved into fantastic shapes, stood in a corner. The iron cot creaked under them as they sat on it to make notes. Doubtless one smudged his nose as he poked it against the filthy window to gawk at the pedestrians passing below. They rifled through his bedstand, finding letters, telegrams and newspaper clippings. The minutia of the Emperor's secret life was public knowledge once the journalists were finished. They gave the city a last laugh before it sobbed.

The City liked to watch Norton, but few truly knew him. Mark Twain suspected Norton to be deeper than the caricatures of him which appeared in lithographs and postcards. He pitied the man and excoriated Colonel Mustard for ridiculing the Emperor in his syndicated columns. Some who took the time to talk to him discovered him extremely well-read, knowledgeable, and sane, except in the matter of his identity. Most, though, saw him as Amelia Neville, a society woman who never went near the Emperor's fifty-cents a night lodging or the local public libraries, did:

'Emperor' Norton was a favored ward of the town who could dine in any restaurant and imperially ignore the cost, buy theater tickets in any box office with no more than an imperial nod of thanks, and draw checks on San Francisco banks, although he owned not a dollar on earth. By common consent in the banking fraternity, his checks were honored, and he never drew one for more than twenty-five cents through some canny sense of restraint that preserved the imperial privilege. During shopping hours one saw him in Kearney or Montgomery Street, walking toward some destination which I fancy was never reached, his old army uniform and military cap with its rakish feather worn with an air. A sword hung from his sword-belt and he sometimes carried a short, knotted stick which might have been a scepter. The whole town knew him.(2)

Legends about the pauper emperor abound. Chief among these is one repeated by sentimental San Francisco historians: the acceptance of Norton I shows a long history of toleration in the Misty City.

Emperor Norton was just one of the enchanting madmen let to entertain the masses. Professor Willie Coombs, the King of Pain, the Great Unknown, and the Little Drummer Boy all attracted the attention of journalists, cartoonists, and diarists during his lifetime. The people preferred to love rather than incarcerate these crackpots. Once, when the police did detain Norton for lunacy, the whole city rebelled and it was only the Emperor's quick release by Chief Patrick Crowley that quieted the public ire.(3)

What optimistic San Franciscan historians say about the metropolis' legacy of sufferance is nearly true as far as harmless male lunatics are concerned. The same public had no trouble putting away Sarah Althea Hill, who'd claimed she'd secretly married Senator William Sharon and then married her quick-tempered lawyer, David S. Terry(4). Nor did it refrain from speaking ill of African-American businesswoman Mary Pleasants. ("Colonel Mustard" once tried to defame Mark Twain by saying that he'd been seen walking arm in arm with Peter Anderson, a prominent African American newspaperman.) San Francisco was a place where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews lived without religious strife from the time of the Civil War to World War II. And in the infamous Barbary Coast, you could get it just about any way you wanted it, free of petty interruptions by civic authorities. But as Robert W. Cherny observes, its record of attacks against the Chinese and the Japanese and its ruthless suppression of the Workingman's Party, the Communists, and maritime unions, do not make for a city founded on brotherly love and allowance for differences.(5) To his list, we should also add the activities of the 1856 Vigilantes against Irish-American politicians.

Norton, himself, was not universally privileged. He petitioned the city's fine hotels for suitable accomodations. They ignored him. He lived in a rudely furnished room that cost him fifty cents a night which he paid for out of the proceeds from his begging. Railroads, steamships, and cable cars gave him free passage, but tailors refused his commands to make him a wardrobe and banks would not give him money. You could hardly expect to find him at High Society functions, though cultured ladies might giggle about him behind their fans and gentlemen might banter about his latest proclamation. A few clubs allowed him use of their reading rooms and some saloons let him eat at their free lunch counters. The city made money off him as a tourist attraction, but gave him very little in return. His lot was little better than those of any other derelict.

People laughed at the Emperor Norton. His later life in the city reads like one long joke punctuated by champagne-choked laughter. Much of the town was in on the jest and played along with Norton's madness as long as it did not indebt them. Cheap gifts like the day-old carnation boutinierre he received from a flower vendor each morning bought the givers the right to mirthful indulgence and a little extra business.(6)

The stories people still tell about him emphasize his unpredictableness. While his proclamations betray a complex, analytical man (though still mad), Norton's biographers (who often merely string together anecdotes -- William Drury is the notable exception) make pointed efforts to make us smile at him. For some, like David Warren Ryder, he is at once the model of far-sighted tolerance and comic intolerance, a predecessor of the USENET "anti-politically correct" hero who nevertheless loves all humanity. These stories confound the search for truth about the Emperor, creating a life story for the man based mostly on jokes and other bits of folk lore. When we look at Norton, we must recall the role that journalists had in creating the myth. His proclamations were published in newspapers. Newspapermen made up some of the stories and rumors about him. A caricaturist gave him a pair of dogs which he depised in real life. Sometimes, they made him say things he had never intended. Looking back at his literary achievements -- the proclamations -- we sometimes suspect that a hand other than that of Joshua Norton of using the mad King for his own purposes. To this day, his champions are the puppetmasters and Norton the marionette.

Mark Twain hated those -- especially "Colonel Mustard" (Arthur Evans) -- who belittled Norton. Twain worked next door to Norton's pathetic flophouse and saw the man nearly every day. Later in life, Twain hinted to others something of the torment that Joshua Norton suffered Bummer and Lazarusand the cruelty others showed him. Upon hearing of the Emperor's death, Twain wrote to his editor, William Howells, suggesting that the Emperor would make a fine subject for a book. And a fit of writer's block removed itself and Twain was able to complete two novels: Huckleberry Finn which featured a lost Dauphin and The Prince and the Pauper, a story of confused identities. Through these, he paid homage to the man he'd known.

But most who remember and love the Emperor post-mortemly, love a myth.

Ryder shares two stories illustrating two popularly fashioned poles of Norton's character. In the first, Norton comes across a meeting of Sand-Lotters while walking "his dogs" near Chinatown. The speaker breaks his racist tirade against the Chinese to allow a bit of comic relief: he lets the Emperor say a few words:

There was a roar of laughter from the crowd as Emperor Norton, with some difficulty, got up on the big box. But the laughter was short-lived. The Emperor, steadying himself with his heavy cane, closed his eyes and commenced reciting the Lord's Prayer. Even the hoodlums were silent, and when he asked the audience to repeat the Prayer with him, some of them joined in. For a moment or two after the final "Amen," the Emperor stood silent before a hushed audience. Then he made a little speech of his own -- about the virtue of brotherly love; and the necessity of men living amicably together. Meantime, the sand-lot orator, sensing the changed temper of the crowd, had...slipped away. And when the Emperor ended with the declaration that "we are all God's children," and requested the crowd to disperse, it did so quickly and without dissent.(7)

Ryder's parable leaves out what motivated the Sand-Lotters. During the 1850s and 1860s, San Francisco had been a working man's paradise. Everyone enjoyed a good wage. Then as the labor pool increased, wages fell and robber barons like Leland Stanford (whom Ambrose Bierce called Stealin' Landford or £eland $tanford) and his three partners found cheaper sources of labor in China. The Sandlotters displaced their hatred of the Big Four onto the Chinese. The Chinese suffered doubly from white racism: they died, maimed themselves, or broke their health in the capitalists' tunnels and were beaten by white rowdies who wanted their jobs at a better wage. In their defense, the Sandlotters turned on the Chinese only after it proved impossible to dislodge their employers. Racism was a tool the Sand-Lotters exploited to advance the aim of bringing back the workingman's paradise that had once existed. As told by Ryder, Norton's call for brotherly love omits the need for the Nabobs -- those who hire others -- to show a little brotherly love themselves and to give their employees a fair share of the profits which will allow them, white, yellow or black, to realize their dreams.

The other story shows the Emperor as a guardian of the sexual social order and a foil to progressives. Ryder has Norton invited by the chairman of a meeting on Women's Suffrage to speak on the topic of the day. The Emperor proceeds to deliver a three-minute oration against women's suffrage. Ryder, prefiguring anti-political correctness, pokes male chauvinist fun at the speaker (who he names "Miss Bland from Boston") and invents a predictable scene of wild havoc in which the chairman is humiliated, the speaker is not amused, and the audience hostile because she does not respect the Emperor.(8)

Undoubtably, the Emperor was capable of innocent disruption. Many details, however, sound as if they came out of the minds of bored reporters or men who'd had a few drinks. Norton's written legacy can also set us to wondering what is the work of the Emperor and what was written for him.

Let us go back to the beginning of Norton's lunacy and reverse the wheels of our consideration. The date is September 17, 1859, a day of mourning in the City. The town has hung black crepe and gathered in Portsmouth Square to listen to E.D. Baker's eulogy of Senator David Broderick, felled by the bullet of David S. Terry. Slavery and states rights have led to bloodshed. The odd man who many have seen walking the streets mounts the stairs of the Bulletin and announces to the reporter he finds there that he has a solution for the nation's troubles: he will be its Emperor. How very simple! Just say the words and it is done! Many wished for the power to right the nation's wrongs and set it back on the course of peace again. The reporter knows that it is not so easy, but Lord knows this town -- battered as it was through the 1850s by the fires, the riots, the lynchings, and now this assassination -- needs a laugh. The next day the Bulletin prints the Emperor's first proclamation under the question "Have We an Emperor Among Us?"

The Emperor proceeds to abolish Congress, call on the Army to enforce his edicts, and assert his absolute authority over the country. In 1862, after the Fredericksburg disaster and the Emancipation Proclamation, he fires Abraham Lincoln.(9) It is easy to imagine other men, themselves frustrated by events in the east where men are slaughtering men in the cornfields, who dream their own dreams of peace and resolution of the nation's impasses. Joshua Norton empitomizes a desire to set things right during the nation's most violent period. He thinks that somehow we have to come up with a way for both the free North and the slaveholding South to be right. The idea is lunacy because, as Lincoln observed, a house divided against itself cannot stand and a nation in which some states use free labor and some use slaves, free men could not rest easy as long as a leisure class "earned" its living through coerced, wageless labor. Oblivious to the political reality and the necessity of ending slavery for the sake of free commerce and a clear democratic conscience, the Emperor makes a point of alternatively wearing Union blue and rebel gray, to symbolize his reconciling dominion over all Americans.

African-Americans win the franchise in 1865, so Norton accepts their citizenship. He designates Peter Anderson's Pacific Appeal, an African-American owned weekly, as his royal gazette. Norton spends the post Civil War years hawking his bonds, railing against forgers, demanding the treatment due to a man of his rank, proposing technical innovations, championing a national religion, and bludgeoning titans of California commerce and politics like Leland Stanford. Not all the proclamations that appear in his name come from the Emperor's pen. He complains about this, but the power to stop it eludes him. His name and his image are in the public domain. Some use him as a butt of jokes. Others employ him to advance their own ideas. We cannot be sure, for example, which of the many Bay Bridge proclamations he authored. One has the clear interests of the City of Oakland at heart: he evinces the wish that the cities of San Francisco and Oakland "shall be neighborly, but view each other afar off." This proposes a landfill halfway across the Bay, keeping Oakland in the chips as the terminus of the Transcontinental Railroad. Another is sheer lunacy: Norton wants bridges to Goat Island, Sausalito and the Farallons! Both these 1869 proclamations, which appeared in Oakland papers, may have been the work of Oakland boosters, expropriating the cherished pen of San Francisco's leading derelict for a little civic hazing. In 1872, a new command calls for a bridge linking Goat Island to Oakland and to Telegraph Hill. (10) After he libels a land developer, Anderson drops him from the pages of the Appeal and he is reduced to badgering tourists to buy his bonds until he suffers a stroke in Chinatown.

Having arrived again at the figure of the Emperor collapsing on the sidewalk, our historical engine squeals to a stop and beats a hasty retreat back to the beginning of Emperor Norton's story, when a ruined businessman decides his is royal blood and proceeds to solve the nation's problems. If Emperor Norton ever regains his sanity during our third passage over this ground; if he's sane and the thought ever occurs to him to give him his Imperial charade, doubtless he finds he cannot! The town accepts him only as a madman and a dupe. It would not take him back as a Mason, allow him to run for office, or conduct business. Mad or not, Joshua Norton finds himself the prisoner of the town. The pauper king can do nothing in life to prevent himself from being used without profit to himself any more than he can prevent Dr. Douglass from stealing his brain in death.

Notes:
(1)Josef Haydn's head was separated from his body by an eager gravedigger and remained so until 1954. The expert declared that the "bumps of music" were especially well-developed on the composer's skull. [Return]
(2)Neville, Amelia Ransome, The Fantastic City,1932, p.155. [Return]
(3)Drury, p. 125. Norton I ran afoul of a hotel bouncer at an early version of the Palace where he naturally presumed he was entitled to service. A local police officer (one paid by neighborhood property owners to keep the peace, not a civic authority) arrested the Emperor and hauled him down to Portsmouth Square on charges of vagrancy. The booking officer pointed out that Norton I lived in a lodging house and had $4.75 in his pocket: technically, he was not a vagrant. The special, one Armand Barbier, scratched his cheek and then resounding declared a new reason for arresting his Imperial Majesty: the Emperor was of unsound mind and therefore a danger to himself and to others. Officer William Martin had no reply to this. He booked Norton pending examination by the Commissioner of Lunacy. Chief Patrick Crowley saw to it that the hearing was never held. [Return]
(4)The same David S. Terry who shot Senator David Broderick in 1859. [Return]
(5)Cherny, Robert W., "Patterns of Toleration and Discrimination in San Francisco", California History, Summer 1994, p. 133. [Return]
(6)Not everyone went along with the joke. Norton's Chinese laundryman refused to do his Imperial Highness' wash for free. (A friend secretly paid for it.) And the great hotels even had the effrontery to throw him out of their dining rooms and refuse him lodging. Norton did not have his way with everything. [Return]
(7)David Warren Ryder, Emperor Norton, pp. 28-29. Incidentally, the sand lot riots did not take place until 1877. Bummer, the last of the two mutts to have passed to the great beyond, died in 1865. [Return]
(8)Ryder, pp. 31-2. Ryder does not footnote either of his stories. [Return]
(9)Drury, p. 89 thinks that this particular proclamation may have been a hoax "perpetrated not by Albert Evans, who stoutly supported Lincoln, but by a Democrat...or a Southerner who thought that a Democrat in the White House might be more sympathetic to the South's economic needs." Drury forgets, however, Norton's proclamation scolding Governor Wise for hanging John Brown. Norton's beef is that Wise made Brown a martyr instead of a lunatic. And when he announces Wise's retirement, he chooses John Breckenridge, the 1860 Whig alternative to Abraham Lincoln as Wise's replacement. [Return]
(10)Norton's most sympathetic boosters want this to be the one and only genuine article. If so, they run into the problem that the credit for the Bay Bridge idea belongs to some unknown poet in Oakland. [Return]

Proceed to the Third Part: Back into the Womb
Return to the First Part: Remembering Norton
Consult the Bibliography
Click on the inlined images for additional text and pictures

Sunday, July 24, 2011

THE STATE MENTAL HOSPITAL SYSTEM DEMONIZED

The rise and fall of the state hospital system
by Matthew Murray


PERCHED ATOP A HILL overlooking a small college town in Ohio (United States), Athens State Hospital--now known as The Ridges--has an imposing presence that the banners for the art gallery in the central building do little to diminish. While a fraction of the building is currently in use by Ohio State University, the majority of the aging Kirkbride hospital has been left to the peaceful solitude of its own decay. The hallways and rooms, still peppered with fragments of the past, are rife with uncharted mold and bacteria; the walls have become intricate murals of the eroding lead paint that dusts the floor and poisons the air.

In many senses, Athens State Hospital is an anomaly. It has been incredibly well preserved and protected from thieves and vandals, and reminders of its history are still intact. Most state hospitals, such as Byberry State Hospital in Philadelphia, have been completely left to the elements and are easily accessible to anyone who cares to research them and risk getting caught by the meagre security forces that guard them. Such sites are frequently seen as a problem to the communities they are part of, due in part to the fact that an entire subculture of self-titled urban explorers has developed, populated by people ranging from those with a deep and abiding respect for the sites to those who look at them as opportune sites for graffiti and vandalism. While these sites are extremely toxic, the dangers are often invisible to those who enter. Asbestos and lead particles in the air do not affect one's health immediately and rotting floors often give no signal of their structural weakness until it is too late. Furthermore, these sites are on prime locations for development, yet their historical significance is undeniable, and often the cleanup of hazardous materials makes costs prohibitive.

While now famous for the abuses and horrors that took place inside, most state hospitals were initially beautiful, idyllic campuses founded in the late 1800s, largely in response to the tremendous need for mental health care for veterans of the United States Civil War suffering from what would later be labelled post-traumatic stress disorder. Public awareness of the need for adequate and full-time care for the mentally ill was higher than ever, and reformers like Dorothea Dix (1802-1887) and Thomas Kirkbride (1809-1883) helped promote what would become an unparalleled movement to create asylums funded by state and local governments to tend to the needs of the mentally ill. Such facilities were founded on the curative principles of healing through humane treatment, labour and the natural beauty of the sprawling campuses on which the hospitals were built, and were intended to be self-sustaining. As such, the food was grown and the grounds maintained by patients, and by all accounts the treatment provided was a vast improvement on the universally poor care afforded to the mentally ill prior to this era.

But such times were not destined to last. After the turn of the century, state hospitals became warehouses for an increasing number of people who society deemed undesirable, including criminals, the poor, homosexuals, those with unorthodox religious views, unwanted children, the elderly, syphilitics, alcoholics and anyone else who was inconvenient to those around them. During this period, it was frighteningly easy to commit a wife who was no longer wanted, children who misbehaved or aging parents whose care was too cumbersome.

As populations swelled past the capacity for which the asylums had been designed, the level of care plummeted, and with such diverse populations being cared for in the same wards, consistent treatment was impossible. Cuts in funding during wartime and the depression forced many patients to sleep on floors or in hallways. Treatment reached critical proportions during the Second World War, when funding and supplies were unavailable and the majority of able-bodied staff were involved in the war effort. The care for patients also became unimaginably nightmarish: there were wards full of malnourished, unclothed and filthy patients, who were forced to eat rotten food and sleep in quarters that were falling apart, often fatally exposing them to the elements. With staffing ratios at unthinkable levels (at times 1 staff member to 200 patients) and facilities crammed to nearly double their intended capacities, abuse by staff also became incredibly problematic. Patients were severely beaten, raped, prostituted, denied medical care and otherwise mistreated to levels that are beyond comprehension. One cannot help but think when looking at pictures from this period that the patients are nearly indistinguishable from Holocaust survivors.

In his book, Mad in America: Bad Science, Bad Medicine, and The Enduring Mistreatment of the Mentally Ill, Robert Whitaker makes a compelling argument for how the Holocaust and the treatment of the mentally ill in this period both were founded on the same principles of eugenics and the cleansing of "undesirables" from society: the stated goal of the concentration camps was the extermination of Germany's upper-echelon groups deemed detrimental to society, while the same, if unstated, goal in the United States mental health system was attained through forced sterilization and lethal neglect.

As the war ended, several major exposes brought the abysmal treatment of the mentally ill to light. A photo essay, entitled "Bedlam 1946", in Life Magazine and Albert Deutsch's 1948 publication, The Shame of the States (Mental Illness and Social Policy: the American Experience), helped raise public awareness of the plight of the inmates in many psychiatric hospitals. While this served to ameliorate the situation somewhat, most of the measures taken to remedy the problems were short-lived. Overcrowding and insufficient care continued to be problematic, although less so than during the years of the Second World War, and abuse of patients continued unabated. There is simply no way to encompass all the cruelties heaped on the patients; most are familiar with lobotomies, which gained popularity as they produced manageable patients, albeit those whose cognitive functioning had been permanently impaired. A particularly barbaric variation of this treatment was performed at Athens State Hospital by Dr. Walter Freeman (1895-1972), who made use of neither anesthetics nor an operating room, and whose careless technique shocked even other doctors and nurses familiar with the procedure. Another common form of treatment was hydrotherapy in which a patient was placed in a tub, which would be filled with either scalding or freezing water, and a sheet was zipped around the neck so only the head was sticking out. Depending on the temperament of the staff, the patient might be left in such a state for days without even a pause to use the bathroom. As the hospitals' intent was less to cure than to warehouse patients, the purpose of the treatments was less to produce any measurable improvement in their condition than to subdue them, making them convenient for the staff.

During the late 1960s and 1970s, the advent of the "chemical straight jacket" Thorazine changed the face of mental health care. Neuroleptics like Thorazine produce a myriad of intensely uncomfortable, frightening side effects and were in fact later identified by Soviet political dissidents as one of the worst tortures they were subjected to in the "psychiatric centres" where they were confined. They produced docile and compliant patients however, and their use was far-reaching and indiscriminate in the American mental health system. As their use became more widespread and the push for deinstitutionalization was spearheaded by President John F. Kennedy and newly formed patients' rights associations, the focus of hospitalization shifted from containing patients for the remainder of their natural lives to bringing their behaviours to manageable levels that would allow community integration. While this policy was in many ways beneficial, the treatment at hospitals continued to be an inhumane and dehumanizing process. In his book, entitled The Shoe Leather Treatment, referring to the common "treatment" of kicking patients until they were compliant or too injured to resist, former patient Bill Thomas relates that after years in state hospitals, a brief stay in prison after an escape attempt seemed an immeasurable improvement in his quality of life. Previous
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Coupled with the push to reintegrate patients into society, this flagrant abuse and neglect finally led to the closure of many asylums. Even this process was messy, however. Under President Ronald Reagan's policies, which often led to dumping clients out of hospitals with inadequate aftercare, the homeless populations soared. When the closure of Byberry State Hospital was initiated in 1986, three patients drowned in the Schuylkill River before the Pennsylvania Governor decided to slow down the process to a manageable level. This process continues to this day and the problematic nature of providing care for the mentally ill continues to haunt us. Harrisburg State Hospital in Pennsylvania recently shut down, forcing communities and mental health providers to scramble to find alternatives for patients with higher treatment needs. Many patients now in communities may require assistance for the rest of their lives in dealing with mundane chores most take for granted, such as buying groceries and paying bills, because they were never exposed to these problems during their hospitalization.

The ever-present issue of what to do with state hospital facilities is also difficult. In many cases, the land and buildings will be almost immediately reclaimed, sold to developers or used as state agency offices. Several facilities, such as Danvers State Hospital in New York, are being converted into high-priced apartment buildings, although some ex-patients and mental health workers view this as a move only slightly more tasteful than making apartments out of Auschwitz. Other facilities like Dixmont have been completely demolished by large companies, which see the sites as development gold mines and have no problems bulldozing unmarked gravestones in patient cemeteries to make way for their projects. Some, such as Pilgrim State Hospital in New York, were partially used, abandoned and demolished. Countless more sites have been completely abandoned, standing until the roofs collapse under the weight of years of water damage or until they are burned by arsonists. Almost none are protected historic sites that visitors can enter to learn about their checkered past.

Two examples stand out, however, as thoughtful ideas for reintegration of the properties into the communities. The state hospital in Fairview, Connecticut, has been turned into a public park--the buildings are well secured and the grounds well kept--where during the day one finds community members jogging, picnicking or walking their dogs. Ironically, by being open to the public, theft and vandalism have taken significantly less of a toll on the buildings compared to other state hospitals whose grounds are off-limits.

Athens State Hospital is a fantastic example of proper maintenance of an historic site. The university uses portions of many of the buildings and as such the grounds are well-maintained, beautiful and secure. It has an excellent section on its website dedicated to the history of the facility; the wings of the old Kirkbride hospital are in better condition than nearly any other state hospital in the country. Also unlike many other asylums, Athens State Hospital sits securely on a hill overlooking the small college town. While entering it requires a respirator and permission from the faculty, its rich and multilaycred past remains intact for now, serving as a poignant reminder and an epitaph to the many shattered lives that passed through its doors.

Matthew Murray's work in mental health spurred a deep interest in its history. Trying to capture the amazing beauty of the asylums led him to photograph other abandoned sites before they are gone forever, including prisons, factories, military and industrial buildings, farms and houses. His photographic work can be viewed at his website gallery, www.abandonedamerica.org.


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Columns
Personal Accounts: My Experiences as a Psychiatric Patient in the 1960s
William R. Carney, Jr., M.L.S.

In 1969, a turbulent decade was coming to an end. For me, that turbulence came in the form of having to deal with a serious mental illness when the system for treating mental illness was changing as much as the rest of society was. During that decade I spent more than 40 months in nine different psychiatric hospitals, most of them state institutions. I had 13 separate stays at these hospitals. At the close of the decade I walked into a community mental health outpatient clinic for the first time and never returned to a state hospital.

I had my first manic episode in 1958, when I was entering my senior year at Denison University. I left school and was hospitalized at a community hospital for about two weeks. I received shock treatments and returned to school, hoping that my symptoms were a one-time occurrence. I managed to graduate, but pursuing my goal of an advanced degree in theology proved to be frustrating. My recurrent symptoms landed me in several different hospitals in four states, depending on where I was working or studying at the time.

Grace New Haven hospital, a private hospital where I spent several weeks in 1960, was the first of my hospital experiences in New England. Although little active treatment was provided, I did receive some group therapy, and both the treatment and the environment proved to be better than most of my subsequent experiences.

In 1961 I spent eight months at Massachusetts Mental Health Center in Boston. I received about three sessions of psychotherapy with a psychiatrist every week. However, I was bored, having little to occupy my time. I was allowed out to walk around the block, and, if my family had sent me any money, I would buy a cup of coffee and a pastry.

For the most part the only therapy I received during my 40 months of hospitalization was drug therapy with Thorazine (chlorpromazine). Danvers State Hospital in Massachusetts, which hosted me for three months in 1963, was typical in that I received no treatment other than medication. Just a steady diet of institutional food, chlorpromazine, and boredom. The admission ward at Danvers was extremely crowded and chaotic, but the specialty unit to which I was later transferred was a bit more comfortable.

Discharge planning and follow-up treatment were notably absent from most of my hospitalization experiences in the 1960s. The process of transfer from one hospital to another was difficult and painful. In hospitals in Connecticut, Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania I had no knowledge of any discharge planning and was not linked with community services when I was discharged.

In 1965 I found myself in a Howard Johnson's restaurant in New York's Times Square, where I ordered a large meal and several drinks. At the end of the meal I revealed that I had no money. Being somewhat manic, I thought this was funny, but the restaurant manager did not. Soon the police showed up and took me, involuntarily, to the infamous Bellevue Hospital. Bellevue was a nightmare—extremely crowded, with many patients' beds in the hallways. The conflicts among the patients were never-ending. My treatment consisted of my old standby, chlorpromazine, with Stelazine (trifluoperazine) added. The trifluoperazine made me extremely agitated, so I spent most of my time at Bellevue pacing the floors.

After several months the Bellevue doctors transferred me to Central Islip State Hospital on Long Island, a much calmer environment. At Central Islip some of the patients provided shaving services to the other patients. These patients were unskilled or used bad razors—or both—so I endured a lot of bleeding from the many nicks and cuts they unintentionally inflicted. Even though I was not alcoholic, I went to the Alcoholics Anonymous meetings on the ward with some other patients for the free coffee and donuts that were provided.

While I was at Central Islip, my brother tried to get me transferred back to Pittsburgh. He encountered great difficulties with the New York and Pennsylvania bureaucracies, but finally the hospital flew me back to Pittsburgh with an attendant, and I was admitted back to Mayview State Hospital, my home away from home (I had four stays there during the 1960s).

A year later, in the midst of another unsuccessful attempt at graduate school, I had several brief stays (each less than a month) at the City Hospital in Hartford, Connecticut. There on the psychiatric ward I received drug therapy and nothing else. When I stabilized they sent me back to school. After several episodes of this pattern, a friend took me to see an Episcopal priest, who took me to Norwich State Hospital.

The Norwich Hospital environment was decent, and I was fairly comfortable there. Compared with other hospitals, Norwich had more group therapy, art therapy, and activities such as holiday parties. After two months, I was discharged from Norwich under the assumption that I would return to the seminary. Instead, however, I caught a bus back to Pittsburgh, where I managed to get a bed in a rooming house and a job with juvenile probation.

I was relatively successful in the juvenile probation job. About a year into the job a family doctor prescribed Valium (diazepam) for stress, and that turned out to be rather helpful. It is notable that even after all those hospitalizations I was not seeing any kind of mental health practitioner in the community. After nearly two years I finally quit the job because of stress. A few months later, in 1969, I had an anxiety attack and drove myself to Mayview. This was to be my fourth and final stay at that hospital.

My first stay at Mayview had been the worst experience of my life. This experience began with a brief hospitalization at a local community hospital in 1961, followed by an abrupt transfer to Mayview, where I remained for six months. The hospital used an assembly-line technique to administer electroconvulsive therapy (ECT). I could see many people in front of me getting treatment and going through convulsions. I saw about five of these treatments before actually getting to the gurney myself. I was told to put my head down so that the electrodes could be attached. I knew that once I put my head down, which I dutifully did, the electrodes would touch my forehead and I would be convulsed and knocked out by the shock. When I came back to consciousness, I was given coffee and something to eat and was then sent back to the ward. During this stay at Mayview I received 20 ECT treatments, two per week. After the shock treatments I was given chlorpromazine and forced to work in the bakery without pay. I thought that after 23 years of life my world had come to a bizarre and shocking end.

Upon waking from ECT, I always felt depleted. Once the treatments were over, the chlorpromazine made me feel like a zombie. This first stay at Mayview was the most horrendous experience of my life. There were some social activities, such as dancing and singing, but I found them bizarre and refused to participate. I did engage in occupational therapy, mainly crafts. Mostly, however, I just sat around and gained weight because of inactivity and the side effects of my medication. When I finally got on an open ward, I enjoyed walking on the hospital grounds and going to the hospital store.

After I left the hospital, I continued to feel like a zombie until the psychiatrist, at my only follow-up appointment, discontinued my chlorpromazine (and did not replace it with anything else). Only after the chlorpromazine wore off did I feel human again; only then could I start to think clearly.

My second stay at Mayview, in 1964, also came after a brief hospitalization at the previously mentioned community hospital. This stay at Mayview was not as bad as the first one. However, I was forced to carry soiled laundry from building to building, my payment being a candy bar at the end of the day. I believe I had the option of not working, but I was afraid that if I refused to work I would lose my chance to be discharged from the hospital. My treatment was strictly chlorpromazine and custodial care.

My third stay at Mayview was the one after I was transferred from Central Islip. This time I was allowed to work at the Little Store, a small snack shop and restaurant on the hospital grounds. This was a great improvement over the laundry and the bakery, and this stay at Mayview was consequently much more pleasant. Nevertheless, I still received no active treatment and no follow-up treatment.

When I admitted myself to Mayview for my fourth and final stay in 1969, the hospital did not want to admit me. But I refused to go home, and they finally let me in. This experience at Mayview was briefer and better than my previous three stays. The environment had improved, and the patients were treated more respectfully.

So my first stay at Mayview State Hospital was the worst, and my last was the best. Still, other than ECT and drug treatment, there was little else to help me work toward recovery. Upon my final discharge, however, a nurse put me in touch with the outpatient clinic at Western Psychiatric Institute and Clinic. There, in 1969, I started weekly psychotherapy that lasted five years. I resumed taking diazepam and in general fared much better than I had in the previous decade. Of course, I still had the misdiagnosis of schizophrenia. It was only much later, in 1982, that I was finally given a diagnosis of bipolar illness—the diagnosis I consider to be the correct one.

In the 40 months I was hospitalized in the 1960s, I experienced the absence of what is now commonplace—active treatment, discharge planning, and connections to community-based treatment. The treatment I received was for the wrong diagnosis, and consisted mainly of powerful doses of a single antipsychotic drug. The treatment included many inhumane elements, including overcrowded conditions, forced work, and a lineup for ECT.

We have come a long way since then. Today the opportunities for recovery are much better. There are more integrated and holistic approaches, more rehabilitation, and less toxic medications, and more attention is given to wellness and community integration. Now I have better information about my illness and what I need to do to cope with it, and I am an active participant in my own recovery. Consequently, I spend less time in the hospital and more time in the community; I spend less time dealing with my illness and more time working on the rest of my life.

Friday, April 22, 2011

The American Red Double-cross

By
Dr. Len Horowitz

Sandpoint, Idaho-The American Red Cross (ARC) is widely considered a great American institution. It is generally thought of as among the world's premier humanitarian organizations. Clearly, almost everyone thinks of it as a life-saving agency. Most people know this non-governmental organization (NGO) to be heavily dependant upon the blood and currency generously donated by the American people. But, what if all of the above is untrue? What if everything you think you know about the American Red Cross is a ghastly nauseating lie?

My name is Dr. Leonard Horowitz. What I am about to share with you is deeply disturbing, yet potentially life-saving. The American Red Cross is not what it appears to be. . . . And I urge you to continue reading so that you learn what the ARC really represents.

Let me begin by telling you a bit about myself, and about my bias. For the past ten years I have been conducting health science and U.S. Government cover-up investigations as an independent, Harvard-trained, award-winning medical journalist and internationally recognized authority in public health.

To briefly summarize my training, in 1977 I received my doctorate in medical dentistry from Tufts University in Boston. I later received several advanced degrees... One in public health from Harvard University. I joined the faculties at Tufts University and Harvard. I directed an alternative health center for more than a decade. In the early 1980s, the Associated Press featured my work as a trendsetter. My clinic integrated dentistry with general medicine, acupuncture, chiropractic, nutrition, massage, homeopathy, and other "alternative" methods of healing.

Between 1990 and 1993 I personally trained nearly 30,000 healthcare professionals in dental and medical infection control according to OSHA standards. At that time I was the chief professional advisor for the largest dental and medical catalog supply company in the world.

In 1999, I won the prestigious "Author of the Year Award" from the World Natural Health Organization for my tenth book. This became my first bestseller. It is called Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola-Nature, Accident or Intentional? Government health officials have said this book is largely responsible for America's rapidly growing anti-vaccination movement. The blood banking industry is meticulously explored here as well. For my work in exposing the global military-medical-industrial complex, I have been christened, "the King David of alternative medicine versus the omnipotent Goliath of slash, burn, and poison medicine" by consumer health advocates.

Suffice it to say, I have been extremely critical of petrochemical/pharmaceutical/blood banking industrialists for suppressing more information than they have been telling... Including potentially lifesaving information that could stem the rising epidemics of cancer, autoimmune diseases, and much, much more.. . .

In the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, unlike most Americans, I was appalled by the outpouring of support, not as much to the families of the attack victims, but to the American Red Cross as a go-between. Based on the information and documentation I published in Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola-Nature, Accident or Intentional?, certain individuals that control the ARC are, in fact, as much to blame for the terrorist attacks on America, and "America's New War," as Osama bin Ladin and Afghanistan's Taliban government. Before you call me crazy and junk this premise entirely, let me explain by giving you a little background on the people who run the American Red Cross. This is little preview of my American bestseller.

Background Intelligence on the American Red Cross

Founded in 1881 by American humanitarian Clara Barton, the American Red Cross (officially named The American National Red Cross) was first chartered by the U.S. Congress in 1900. A second charter, still in force, was granted in 1905. Not long after, however, John D. Rockefeller pirated the entire blood banking industry, along with the administrative leadership of the ARC. As you will soon learn, this quintessential coup de tats represented more than a glorious economic opportunity. The takeover of the ARC, and the entire blood industry, was apparently required to fulfill a far more sinister, even occult-linked, political objective-eugenics management for a racially purified planet.

To begin, during this time, John D. Rockefeller and his associates were making a concerted effort to control the entire field of medicine in America. During the 1890s, Rockefeller interests in medical education and "scientific medicine" were spearheaded by Frederick T. Gates, John D. Rockefeller's investment manager. 1901 saw the founding of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research. In 1902, Rockefeller's General Education Board was founded with a mission to annihilate the causes of racial discords. This agenda was clarified two years later with the publication of John D. Rockefeller's Occasional Letter No. 1 in which he detailed his plans to mold Americans to his concept of "perfect human nature." This, he claimed, might best be accomplished by destroying parental influence, traditions and customs, while reducing national intelligence levels.

In 1904, the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory (home to today's Human Genome Project) was built on the estates of John Foster and Allen Dulles, lawyers for the Rockefeller Standard Oil Company. The Dulles Brothers, who openly professed John D. Rockefeller's racial hygiene doctrines, later directed the U.S. military's Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and after World War II, the CIA. Charles B. Davenport constructed the Cold Spring Harbor facility to provide a home for racial hygiene research, what was then called "eugenics research." The first racial hygiene laws in the world evolved from investigations and reports issued from here. The John D. Rockefeller and Averell Harriman, America's wealthiest oil and railroad magnates, invested more than $11 million-an extraordinary fortune at that time-in funding this facility. Soon thereafter, in 1909, the first genetics laboratory was established at the Rockefeller Institute and directed by Dr. Phoebus Aaron Theodor Levene.

By 1907, medical education had been mostly monopolized by the Rockefeller consortium. That year, the American Medical Association (AMA) advanced its medical education rating system effectively eliminating, by 1918, approximately 600 of the initial 650 medical schools. Through Rockefeller cohorts in the Andrew Carnegie Endowment for the Advancement of Teaching, Abraham Flexner was appointed to survey medical schools throughout America. This led to the infamous "Flexner Report" that vilified every alternative to drug-based medicine. The Rockefeller's political control over this American medical coup was clearly reflected in Flexner family relations. Abraham Flexner served on the Rockefellers General Education Board. Abraham Flexner's brother, Simon, headed the Rockefeller Institute of Medical Research. Simon's brother, Bernard, later joined the board of trustees of the Rockefeller Foundation after he helped found the politically powerful Council on Foreign Relations.

In 1910, following the death of Averell Harriman who presided over Yale's infamous secret society, the Skull and Bones, his widow donated 80 acres of estate property to establish the Eugenics Research Association at Cold Spring Harbor, New York, along with the Eugenics Records Office. The following year, social Darwinism subscriber, John Foster Dulles, revealed his desire to help develop a "super race." He explained that by eliminating "the weakest members of the population," a purer Aryan race might be created. According to several reputable authors, the Dulles brothers directing Rockefeller's management group and law firm at Sullivan and Cromwell on Wall Street, later administered the American affairs of I.G. Farben-Germany's leading industrial organization-linked intimately to Hitler and the rising Third Reich. The Dulles law firm also directed U.S. business affairs for Fritz Thyssen, Hitler's primary financial backer. Thyssen later introduced Allen Dulles to the rising Nazi fuehrer, after which brother John negotiated loans for the Nazis.

All of this activity foreshadowed, in 1928, the Rockefeller financing of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Eugenics, Anthropology and Human Heredity in pre-Nazi Germany. Ernst Rudin, Hitler's chief racial hygienist, was given authority over this institute principally funded by the Rockefellers. Eugenic psychiatrist Dr. Franz J. Kallmann, and blood geneticist Otmar Verschuer assisted Dr. Rudin. Their institute was named for Germany's Kaiser Wilhelm II who was a solid supporter of early eugenics experiments and occult science to further his royal bloodline. According to Wilhelm II, World War I resulted from a conspiracy between his enemies, the blood kin Czar Nicholas II and King George V, and their affiliated secret societies.

According to historic records, Hitler was also an avid student of the occult and a member of the largely secret Thule Society that contained members of the British royal family and European banking industry. Though evidence in this area of research is understandably circumstantial, Thule Society members, with connections to other politically influential leaders in the United States, including members of the Skull and Bones Fraternity at Yale University, are believed to have founded the National Socialist Party in Germany, primarily to initiate World War II.

The Occult, Freemasonry and Rockefeller Blood Banking

In my 1999 book, Healing Codes for the Biological Apocalypse, I shed more light on these shadowy figures of eugenics history. Shortly before the war, in 1936, according to investigative journalist Anton Chaitkin, Nazi eugenicist and Rockefeller grantee, Dr. Franz Kalmann published his schizophrenia experiments after immigrating to New York because he was half-Jewish. The secret society known as the Scottish Rite of Freemasonry published his account of more than 1,000 cases. His book was used in 1939 to rationalize the "murder of mental patients and various 'defective' people," according to Chaitkin and others. At the same time, the infamous Nazi doctor Josef Mengele and Otmar Verschuer were collecting blood samples, particularly from twins, to conduct genetic experiments to further advance the eugenics field. I wrote that more horrific experiments followed:



Needles were stabbed into people's eyes for eye color experiments. Others were injected with foreign blood and infectious agents. Limbs and organs were commonly removed, occasionally without anesthetics. Women were sterilized, men were castrated, and sexes were surgically altered. Thousands were butchered and their heads, eyeballs, limbs, and organs were delivered to Mengele, Verschuer, and the other Rockefeller-linked contingent at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute.

It was apparently no random "coincidence" that the Rockefeller family gained so much control over the ARC and blood banking. Laurance Rockefeller assembled the New York City blood council that evolved to largely control the international blood banking industry. The importance of blood and bloodlines is a recurring theme throughout my work and history, particularly when considering the highest level and objectives of the secret Scottish Freemasons. According to the "Structure of Freemasonry," the "Order of the Red Cross" stands third in the top echelon of power just behind the Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM) and the "Order of the Knights Templar." Religious scholars cross their Bibles with red marker ribbons today unaware of the symbolism-the Masonic importance of the pure red bloodline.

Beginning with the Ordre de la Rose-Croix Veritas, more commonly known as the Rose-Croix, or Rosicrucians, the red (or rose) cross was adopted as an identifying symbol of the Masonic tradition. According to authors Baigent, Leigh and Lincoln in Holy Blood Holy Grail, themselves Freemasons, this practice began in 1188 when the Prieur� de Sion accepted the ceremonies of Ormus, said to have been an Egyptian sage, mystic, and "a Gnostic 'adept' in Alexandria"-a "hotbed of mystical activity" during the first century A. D. Here Ormus is believed to have exchanged theosophies with Judaic, Zoroastrian, Mithraic, Hermetic, neo-Platonic and Pythagorean scholars. The name "Ormus" was synonymous with "the principle of light" in Zoroastrian and Gnostic history. Thus, Ormus was not only the originator of the Red Cross symbol, but he apparently helped propagate the term "Illuminati."

Over time, "Illuminati" has come to mean the few powerfully illumined, or en-light-ened souls, who are said to draw their power from "Lucifer." Illuminati, in fact, according to Webster's Dictionary; is derived from the French word "Lucifer" meaning "light bearing." Webster also cross references Lucifer to the word "light."

According to Secret Societies author Jan van Helsing, "Illuminati" came into more common use during the 14th century in Germany, where it applied to the high initiates of the "Brotherhood of the Snake"-a "savant brotherhood that had subscribed to the dissemination of spiritual knowledge and the attainment of spiritual freedom from . . . extraterrestrials" more than 3,000 years before Christ.

The Latin name of "Illuminati" and the biblical term for snake have related origins and definitions. The word snake derives from "nahash," which came from the root word "nhsh" meaning to "discover," or "decipher." In Latin, "illuminare" meant "to illumine," or "to recognize," or "know."

Thus, the snake used by Rockefeller-directed organized medicine today, became a symbol of evolving illuminance or intelligence. Likewise, the Knight's Templar symbol shows the snake beginning and ending with a swastika. Citing van Helsing's research again, "One of the main branches of the Illuminati in Germany were the mystical Rosicrucians who were introduced at the beginning of the 9th century by Charlemagne."

Several other authors relayed that the Illuminati and the Rosicrucians were the driving force behind the esoteric religious movements of the 17th and 18th centuries. According to Webster's Dictionary, "Christian Rosenkreutz (NL Rosae Crucis)" was the "reputed 15th cent. founder of the movement (1624) . . . a devotee of esoteric wisdom with emphasis on psychic and spiritual enlightenment. . . ." Their manifestos, fervently supported by the liberal factions of Protestants in Europe, inflamed the leaders of the Catholic Church and the Jesuits. "Among the most eloquent and influential exponents of Rosicrucian thought was Robert Fludd"-the Prieur� de Sion's sixteenth grand master.
The Jesuit and Church backlashes that resulted in the persecution of the Cathars and Templars also helped spark Martin Luther's rebellion. "Martin Luther also had close links to both the Illuminati and the Rosicrucians," wrote van Helsing. Luther's friends recognized the Rosicrucian seal he wore that contained a rose and a cross with his initials. "After Luther's death, his confessional community was supported by Francis Bacon," the highest-ranking Rosicrucian in England, and, the general architect of the King James Bible.

Devil Doing Behind the American Red Cross

In Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola-Nature, Accident or Intentional? I explained how and why, at the end of WWII, the Dulles brothers, in support of Rockefeller alliances, arranged false Red Cross identifications for Nazi war criminals, scientists, and military officials to escape through the "rat lines." A couple of years ago, the New York Times carried a story that explained that Red Cross officials were aware of the Nazi atrocities occurring in the concentration camps of WWII. They said they were remiss in reporting their evidence. They omitted, however, the intelligence that the entire Red Cross organization was directed, from high above, by the same devils that directed the business dealings between the Nazis, I.G. Farben, the CIA and the Rockefeller Standard Oil Company from the rise of the Third Reich. No wonder, the New York Times reported in another article, much of the Nazi-stolen gold suddenly emerged in Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan Bank.

In Emerging Viruses: AIDS & Ebola, you will also learn that the Laurence Rockefeller-directed New York City Blood Bank knowingly released thousands of pints blood contaminated with the AIDS-virus, HIV, despite holding secret the oxygenation technologies capable of clearing the virus from infected supplies. After developing AIDS, approximately ten thousand hemophiliacs died throughout the United States, along with countless others around the world. Likewise, in 1999, CNN reported that approximately 500,000 Chinese people became HIV infected similarly through contaminated blood. Not to mention the millions of others who received the hepatitis B, C and herpes (cancer) viruses through contaminated blood, likewise preventable, but purposely neglected.

In my latest book, Death in the Air: Globalism, Terrorism, and Toxic Warfare, (released June, 2001, 1-888-508-4787; $29.35) Chapter 18 is titled, "Public Health Politics, Eugenics, and Population Control." Here I detail the Rockefeller family's and their foundation's association with the population control industry. They are currently moving to eradicate half of the planet's current population, including America's civilian population as well. According to the Rockefeller-directed Population Council of the City of New York, and its affiliate the Negative Population Growth, Inc. of New Jersey, the U.S. population requires culling to 125 or 150 million people. That's about half its present number. And that, in a nutshell, is what "America's New War" on terrorism-leading to WWIII-is really about. Global population control and reduction through managed chaos. Using the standard Machiavellian practice of creating urgent problems, then costly solutions, America has been railroaded into what promises to be a long and deadly war against people previously, and likely still, on the payroll of a secret government and the CIA.

Now you might comprehend, if you have "the eyes" to read the above text, and the discernment necessary to perceive the truth it relays, why I found it nauseating that Americans so readily gave their blood and money to the Rockefeller's Red Cross. If you are among the millions who made that mistake, chalk it up to simple deception. But for heaven's sake, don't do it again! Please donate directly to the families who have been victimized. That way your contribution might do more than aiding and abetting the enemy.

Courtesy of Dr. Leonard G. Horowitz
and Tetrahedron, LLC
206 North 4th Avenue, Suite 147
Sandpoint, Idaho 83864
http://www.tetrahedron.org/
Toll free order line: 888-508-4787;
Office telephone: 208-265-2575;
FAX: 208-265-2775